Christian Nationalism Is Rising: Trump No Longer the Center of MAGA
From Charlie Kirk’s memorial to statehouse laws, faith is overtaking politics as the driving force in the movement.
Short video at end for paid subscribers
I want to be clear. I am a Christian, and I take my faith seriously. There is a difference between being a Christian, and a Christian nationalist. This took me some time to understand. Jesus wasn’t interested in the makeup of government, in fact people around him were shocked that his arrival did not spark an immediate revolution against Roman rule. He did spark a revolution however, in hearts. This is not an attempt to belittle faith, but to strengthen it in our souls. To understand that faith doesn’t rely on election outcomes and hard work, but of belief. - Adam
There was a time when Christian nationalists needed Donald Trump more than he needed them. This was especially clear during his first presidency, when he brought only a handful of them into his administration. Russell Vought was appointed to lead the Office of Management and Budget, and William Wolfe was named to head legislative affairs at the State Department. These appointments mattered, but overall Trump’s ego prevailed over faith.
Flash forward to 2025 and the recent memorial service for Charlie Kirk, the political firebrand murdered on September 10 while speaking at a university in Utah. Kirk supported Trump’s MAGA cause, but he was even more devoted to aligning the nation’s laws, government, politics, and culture with his brand of conservative Christianity. Trump headlined the service but seemed out of step. While Kirk’s widow Erika and other speakers leaned on faith, Trump delivered what sounded more like a rally speech, violating the spirit of a moment where the religious side of MAGA was clearly more important than Trump’s one-man political show.
The memorial underscored the growing power of religion inside right-wing politics. A Public Religion Research Institute survey last year found that roughly 55 percent of Republicans identify with Christian nationalist views. Trump remains the movement’s leader, but within his base it’s becoming clear that faith is just as important as politics. The drive to put religion first is growing, and the tables are turning.
This shift is visible across Red States, where efforts are underway to tear down the wall separating church and state and inject a single faith—Christianity—into public institutions, especially schools.
Oklahoma: The state’s education superintendent has ordered teachers to “incorporate the Bible, which includes the Ten Commandments,” in grades 5–12, calling it “a crucial step in ensuring our students grasp the core values and historical context of our country.”
Louisiana: A new state law requires the Ten Commandments to be posted in every public school classroom. Its author said, “I’m concerned with our children looking and seeing what God’s law is.”
Texas: Schools must display the Commandments, and Austin has gone further, permitting a “Bible-infused” curriculum from kindergarten through fifth grade.
Idaho: Legislators are considering a bill requiring daily Scripture readings in public schools.
Missouri: A proposed bill would mandate that certain literature courses include a three-week session on biblical wisdom literature.
Meanwhile, more than a dozen states are pushing legislation to allow or require chaplains in public schools.
Driving much of this is the National Association of Christian Lawmakers (NACL), led by former Arkansas state senator Jason Rapert. Its mission is to “address major policy concerns from a biblical worldview.” With a growing budget and the backing of 1,000 lawmakers, the group drafts model legislation on everything from banning contraception to ending marriage equality. Their efforts are reinforced by well-established organizations like the Family Research Council, Focus on the Family, and the American Family Association—together spending around $150 million annually.
A relative newcomer, Charlie Kirk’s Turning Point USA, founded in 2012, gained momentum after aligning with MAGA in 2017. Its fundraising skyrocketed from $8 million in 2016 to $85 million in 2024, and its 400-plus employees continue to build for the long-term pursuit of Christian nationalism. Kirk himself, once secular, became both political organizer and evangelist. He adopted the “Seven Mountain Mandate,” which calls for conservative Christians to take control of government, education, media, family, business, arts, and religion.
Turning Point remains a powerhouse, and Erika Kirk and other leaders show no signs of slowing. Trump, for his part, may not match their fervor—he struggles to distinguish the Old Testament from the New—but he recognizes the shift. His 2024 selection of J.D. Vance as vice president was a signal of loyalty. A Catholic convert, Vance has embraced the Christian nationalist agenda and advocates laws that privilege Christianity.
During the campaign, Trump warned of efforts to “tear down crosses” and promised “no one will be touching the cross of Christ under the Trump administration.” He backed Christian curricula in schools, created a task force on supposed anti-Christian bias, and formed a White House Faith Office. His embrace of Project 2025—a policy blueprint shaped by Christian nationalist thinkers like Russell Vought—further cemented his alliance.
At Kirk’s memorial, the contrast was stark. While Trump recycled campaign lines, others framed Kirk as a martyr. Vance called the event a “revival,” describing Kirk as kneeling before God in heaven. Thousands waved signs referencing Scripture and Turning Point USA. None promoted Trump.
Beyond the memorial, Christian nationalism’s reach is undeniable. Senator Josh Hawley openly calls America a Christian nation. Senator Eric Schmitt insists, “America belongs to us [Christians], and only us.” In the House, Marjorie Taylor Greene and Lauren Boebert call themselves Christian nationalists and claim the church should direct government.
Add it all up—the congressional rhetoric, the Kirk event, the wealthy institutions, the state-level legislation—and the movement’s rise is unmistakable. Even billionaire Peter Thiel has embraced “political theology,” warning of an “anti-Christ” in modern society. Though gay himself, Thiel sees Christian nationalism as the next wave of MAGA and wants to ensure it thrives long after Trump fades.
The memorial for Charlie Kirk showed this plainly: Trump is still here, but Christian nationalism is preparing for the day after him.
